Like a party but has the peculiarity of operating with "serial leadership." A strong Last Database leader is succeeded by another, and another, and another (or another). The best description of the party-machine with serial leadership that Levitsky and Roberts spoke about was given in 2015 by the Last Database then governor of the province of Salta, Juan Manuel Urtubey, a few Last Database months before the election, when in an interview with the newspaper La Naci ón He said.

Look, when I have a Last Database candidate for president, which I still don't have, he's going to start looking like a great leader to me; in September, he will seem to me to be the closest thing to the postulates of Peronism, and in October, when he wins the elections, he Last Database will seem to me to be the reincarnation of Perón. That's how we are". The Peronist experience is then twice unique. To begin with, there are few political parties founded by a charismatic leader that have Last Database managed to survive prolonged exile or the death of the founder. Peronism did it doubly: first it survived 18 years of proscriptio.

Exile of its leader and persecution of its militants Last Database between 1955 and 1973, then, the death of Perón in 1974, and shortly after, seven more years of violent repression under the last military dictatorship (1976-1983). Explanations for the survival of Peronism emphasize the capacity for organization and resilience of various actors at the base of the movement: the Last Database unions (analyzed by Daniel James3), the relatively autonomous governors and provincial leaders of the provinces (studied by Ana María Mustapic4), the decentralized territorial Last Database militancy (portrayed by Levitsky himself5) and the groups of youth that massively joined Peronism in the 1970s. In other words, the sectors that allowe.